Tuesday, October 1, 2013

U.S. Aircraft Carrier To Visit S. Korea For Joint Drills Next Week

Yonhap News Agency
September 30, 2013

 

By Kim Eun-jung, Yonhap
SEOUL -- American aircraft carrier USS George Washington is due at South Korea's southern port city of Busan next week to participate in joint naval drills as part of their routine training, a military source in Seoul said Monday.
The nuclear-powered 97,000-ton supercarrier, forward deployed to Japan's Yokosuka as part of the U.S. 7th Fleet, is expected to carry out joint drills with the South Korean Navy in the East Sea, the source said.
The ship will arrive in Busan this weekend and carry out maritime training exercises with South Korean warships and Aegis destroyers for two or three days next week, he said.
"The training is expected to include aircraft carrier maneuver, anti-submarine drills and maritime training," the source said, speaking under anonymity as he is not authorized to talk to the media. "It is a routine training conducted two or three times when a U.S. carrier makes a port call here."
North Korea has condemned the allies' joint drills as a prelude to war. In March, Pyongyang threatened to strike Seoul and the continental U.S. when the two nations' forces conducted their annual drills involving stealth bombers, stealth jets and aircraft carriers.
The two Koreas technically remain at war as the 1950-53 Korean War ended in a truce, not a peace treaty.

Afghans Say Taliban Take District HQ In North

Yahoo.com
September 29, 2013

 

KABUL, Afghanistan (AP) — Taliban fighters on Sunday overran a district headquarters in a remote and mountainous region of northern Afghanistan, their latest offensive in an insurgent campaign to regain territory as foreign troops withdraw from the country, according to officials.
Interior Ministry spokesman Sediq Sediqi said a group of insurgents took over the building after police evacuated the facility in Badakhshan province's Karan wa Munjan district to prevent any civilian casualties.
"This year the enemy is trying to show their existence in northern parts of the country and that is one of the reasons that they are attacking Badakhshan province, "Sediqi said.
He pointed to a successful operation last week to clear insurgents from another district, Wurdoj, and said preparations were under way to retake the headquarters building. Sediqi added that the insurgents are only controlling the single building, which had a very small police presence.
At least 18 Afghan policemen died in the Wurdoj operations along with 47 insurgents, the ministry said last week. Afghan officials regularly report high death tolls from battles in remote areas that are impossible to verify.
"We did have successful military operations in Wurdoj district and now as they have been defeated there and couldn't keep their strongholds, so they made another choice and attacked Karan wa Munjan district," Sediqi said. "There is no doubt that we had fewer police forces in the district, they were not more than 30 policemen there at time the attack. Reinforcements are coming now."
Although attacks are increasingly common as insurgents escalate their campaign against government forces across Afghanistan, they are rare in Badakhshan.
The region is nestled in the Hindu Kush and Pamir mountain ranges and bordering China and Pakistan, one of the most remote in the country.
In another incident, two people including a police office were killed and three civilians were wounded when a suicide attacker blew himself up outside a district police headquarters in the Marjah district of southern Helmand, provincial spokesman Omar Zwak said.

A Deadly Week In Northwestern Pakistan Ends With A Car Bomb Blast

New York Times
September 30, 2013
Pg. 4

 

By Ismail Khan and Salman Masood
PESHAWAR, Pakistan — A powerful car bomb ripped through a busy marketplace in Peshawar, the regional capital of northwestern Pakistan, early Sunday, killing at least 38 people in the third major attack in and around the city in the past week.
The explosion occurred in the historic Qissa Khwani bazaar in the old quarter of the city, roughly two miles from the site of a double suicide bombing of a Christian church a week earlier that killed dozens of people.
Experts said the blast on Sunday was caused by homemade explosives and artillery shells that had been hidden in a parked car. The dead included 14 members of one family who had come to Peshawar from a nearby village to distribute wedding invitations.
Rescue workers cut through the smoldering wreckage of burning vehicles and destroyed buildings in an effort to find survivors. Television stations carried graphic images of the carnage, which underscored to Pakistanis across the country the continuing threat from the Taliban and allied militant groups.
“The people behind this are not human,” said Ghulam Mohammad, who was looking for the body of a close relative at a hospital. “This is the work of animals.”
The Pakistani Taliban, however, denied responsibility for the latest attack. “We have nothing to do with today’s bomb blast,” said Shahidullah Shahid, a Taliban spokesman. “We have made it clear several times that it is not our policy to target the general public. We condemn it and ask the government to ascertain its perpetrators.”
The attack came after a particularly bad week across Pakistan. An earthquake killed at least 300 people in a remote part of Baluchistan, the country’s largest but least populous province, and three major militant attacks in Peshawar have killed at least 140 people.
On Sept. 22, the suicide attack on the nearby All Saints Church killed 85 people, and a bombing on a crowded bus on Friday killed 21 government employees as they traveled home for the weekend.
“Collecting the dead and digging graves — this is unspeakable,” said the deputy city commissioner, Zaheerul Islam. “I don’t know what to say anymore.”
The attack on Sunday took place in the Qissa Khawani, or storytellers’ bazaar, which takes its name from ancient times when merchants and travelers from Central Asia stopped there to rest and share their stories. Some of the tea stalls from that time still exist.
Police officials said at least 440 pounds of explosives were used to make the bomb, which left a crater three feet deep. The explosion blew up storefronts, some of which caught fire; destroyed at least three shops; and damaged dozens more. Traders announced three days of mourning.
The violence also came at a time of intense political debate over whether the government should hold peace talks with Taliban insurgents in a bid to end the bloodshed.
The opposition leader Imran Khan, whose party runs the Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa provincial government, advocates peace talks and putting a halt to military operations in the tribal regions.
Mr. Khan prompted controversy last week when, days after the church bombing, he called on the government to allow the Pakistani Taliban to open an office that would facilitate talks, much as was done for the Afghan Taliban in the Persian Gulf state of Qatar.
But experts say that the Pakistani and Afghan Taliban are different movements — the Pakistani version is seen as being more ideologically driven, with a narrower political base — while political critics say that a policy of appeasement will only embolden the militants.
Speaking at the site of the bombing on Sunday, Ayesha Gulalai Wazir, a lawmaker with Mr. Khan’s party, said such attacks were intended to damage the prospects of negotiations. “Some forces don’t want the talk process to start,” she said.
Separately, at least five people were killed in what appeared to be an American drone strike in North Waziristan, a tribal district that is a hotbed of local and foreign militancy. A Pakistani intelligence official, speaking on the condition of anonymity, said the dead included militants from the Punjabi Taliban and the Haqqani network, which has carried out attacks on NATO forces in Afghanistan.
Pakistani political leaders have repeatedly urged the United States to end drone attacks on their soil, a position that Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif reiterated in an address to the United Nations General Assembly in New York on Friday.
Ismail Khan reported from Peshawar, and Salman Masood from Islamabad, Pakistan. Ihsanullah Tipu Mehsud contributed reporting from Islamabad, and Declan Walsh from London.

Qaeda Plot Leak Has Undermined U.S. Intelligence

New York Times
September 30, 2013
Pg. 1

 

By Eric Schmitt and Michael S. Schmidt
WASHINGTON — As the nation’s spy agencies assess the fallout from disclosures about their surveillance programs, some government analysts and senior officials have made a startling finding: the impact of a leaked terrorist plot by Al Qaeda in August has caused more immediate damage to American counterterrorism efforts than the thousands of classified documents disclosed by Edward Snowden, the former National Security Agency contractor.
Since news reports in early August revealed that the United States intercepted messages between Ayman al-Zawahri, who succeeded Osama bin Laden as the head of Al Qaeda, and Nasser al-Wuhayshi, the head of the Yemen-based Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula, discussing an imminent terrorist attack, analysts have detected a sharp drop in the terrorists’ use of a major communications channel that the authorities were monitoring. Since August, senior American officials have been scrambling to find new ways to surveil the electronic messages and conversations of Al Qaeda’s leaders and operatives.
“The switches weren’t turned off, but there has been a real decrease in quality” of communications, said one United States official, who like others quoted spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss intelligence programs.
The drop in message traffic after the communication intercepts contrasts with what analysts describe as a far more muted impact on counterterrorism efforts from the disclosures by Mr. Snowden of the broad capabilities of N.S.A. surveillance programs. Instead of terrorists moving away from electronic communications after those disclosures, analysts have detected terrorists mainly talking about the information that Mr. Snowden has disclosed.
Senior American officials say that Mr. Snowden’s disclosures have had a broader impact on national security in general, including counterterrorism efforts. This includes fears that Russia and China now have more technical details about the N.S.A. surveillance programs. Diplomatic ties have also been damaged, and among the results was the decision by Brazil’s president, Dilma Rousseff, to postpone a state visit to the United States in protest over revelations that the agency spied on her, her top aides and Brazil’s largest company, the oil giant Petrobras.
The communication intercepts between Mr. Zawahri and Mr. Wuhayshi revealed what American intelligence officials and lawmakers have described as one of the most serious plots against American and other Western interests since the attacks on Sept. 11, 2001. It prompted the closing of 19 United States Embassies and consulates for a week, when the authorities ultimately concluded that the plot focused on the embassy in Yemen.
McClatchy Newspapers first reported on the conversations between Mr. Zawahri and Mr. Wuhayshi on Aug. 4. Two days before that, The New York Times agreed to withhold the identities of the Qaeda leaders after senior American intelligence officials said the information could jeopardize their operations. After the government became aware of the McClatchy article, it dropped its objections to The Times’s publishing the same information, and the newspaper did so on Aug. 5.
In recent months, senior administration officials — including the director of national intelligence, James Clapper Jr. — have drawn attention to the damage that Mr. Snowden’s revelations have done, though most have been addressing the impact on national security more broadly, not just the effect on counterterrorism.
“We have seen, in response to the Snowden leaks, Al Qaeda and affiliated groups seeking to change their tactics, looking to see what they can learn from what is in the press and seek to change how they communicate to avoid detection,” Matthew Olsen, the director of the National Counterterrorism Center, told a security conference in Aspen, Colo., in July.
American counterterrorism officials say they believe the disclosure about the Qaeda plot has had a significant impact because it was a specific event that signaled to terrorists that a main communication network that the group’s leaders were using was being monitored. The sharpest decline in messaging has been among the Qaeda operatives in Yemen, officials said. The disclosures from Mr. Snowden have not had such specificity about terrorist communications networks that the government is monitoring, they said.
“It was something that was immediate, direct and involved specific people on specific communications about specific events,” one senior American official said of the exchange between the Qaeda leaders. “The Snowden stuff is layered and layered, and it will take a lot of time to understand it. There wasn’t a sudden drop-off from it. A lot of these guys think that they are not impacted by it, and it is difficult stuff for them to understand.”
Other senior intelligence and counterterrorism officials offer a dissenting view, saying that it is difficult, if not impossible, to separate the impact of the messages between the Qaeda leaders from Mr. Snowden’s overall disclosures, and that the decline is more likely a combination of the two.
“The bad guys are just not going to talk operational planning electronically,” said one senior counterterrorism official. Moreover, that official and others say, it could take months or years to fully assess the impact of Mr. Snowden’s disclosures on counterterrorism efforts.
Over the past decade, the N.S.A. has invested billions of dollars in a clandestine campaign to preserve its ability to eavesdrop. The agency has circumvented or cracked much of the encryption, or digital scrambling, that guards global commerce and banking systems, protects sensitive data like trade secrets and medical records, and automatically secures the e-mails, Web searches, Internet chats and phone calls of Americans and others around the world, according to documents provided by Mr. Snowden.
The government’s greatest fear concerning its counterterrorism operations is that over the next several months, the level of intercepted communications will continue to fall as terrorists most likely find new ways to communicate with one another, one senior American official said. It will likely take the government some time to break into that method and monitor communications.
One way the terrorists may try to communicate, the official said, is strictly through couriers, who would carry paper notes or computer flash drives. If that happens, the official said, terrorists will find it very difficult to communicate as couriers take significant time to move messages.
“The problem for Al Qaeda is they cannot function without cellphones,” said one former senior administration official. “They know we listen to them, but they use them anyhow. You can’t run a sophisticated organization without communications in this world. They know all this, but to operate they have to go on.”
A senior intelligence official put it this way: “They are agile, we are agile. When we see a change in behavior, our guys are changing right along with it, or we’re already seeing it and adapting to it. Our capabilities are changing in hours and days, versus weeks and months like we used to.”
To be sure, Qaeda leaders and their top lieutenants use other secure electronic communications as well as old-fashioned means — like couriers, as Bin Laden did — that pose major challenges to American intelligence services.
In the past few months, the Global Islamic Media Front, the propaganda arm of Al Qaeda and other Islamic terrorist groups, has released new software that allows users to encrypt communications for instant-messaging and cellphones. Officials say these new programs may pose fresh challenges for N.S.A. code breakers.
Jihadists have been working on camouflaging their communications through encryption software for years.
Al Qaeda’s use of advanced encryption technology dates to 2007, when the Global Islamic Media Front released the Asrar al-Mujahedeen, or so-called “Mujahedeen Secrets,” software. An updated version, Mujahedeen Secrets 2, was released in January 2008, and has been revised at least twice, most recently in May 2012, analysts said.
The program was popularized in the first issue of Inspire, Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula’s quarterly online magazine, in a July 2010 post entitled “How to Use Asrar al-Mujahedeen: Sending and Receiving Encrypted Messages.”
Since then, each issue of Inspire has offered a how-to section on encrypting communications, recommending MS2 as the main encryption tool.
Shortly after Mr. Snowden leaked documents about the secret N.S.A. surveillance programs, chat rooms and Web sites used by jihadis and prospective recruits advised users how to avoid N.S.A. detection, from telling them to avoid using Skype to recommending specific online software programs like MS2 to keep spies from tracking their computers’ physical locations.
A few months ago, the Global Islamic Media Front issued new software that relies on the MS2’s “Asrar al-Dardashah, or “Secrets of Chatting,” which allows users to encrypt conversations over instant-messaging software like Paltalk, Google Chat, Yahoo and MSN, according to Laith Alkhouri, a senior analyst at Flashpoint Global Partners, a New York security consulting firm that tracks militant Web sites.
In early September, the Global Islamic Media Front said it had released an encryption program for messages and files on mobile phones running the Android and Symbian operating systems.
According to the group, the software can encrypt text messages and files and send them by e-mail or between cellphones with different operating systems. The software also lets users securely check e-mail and prevents users from receiving nonencrypted messages, the group claimed.

Before Kenya Attack, A Warning On Terrorism

Wall Street Journal
September 30, 2013
Pg. 12

 

Intelligence Report Cautioned Over Assault on Mall, Where Signals of Impending Event Were Missed

By Heidi Vogt and Patrick McGroarty
NAIROBI, Kenya—Raheem Biviji was inside Diamond Trust bank, waiting for a clerk to deposit his check, when the gunfire started.
He darted inside the bank's vault, and huddled there with 30 other people. Through the cracked door they saw the legs of Islamic militants scurrying past. It was 12:20 p.m. on Sept. 21, and shots and explosions would go on for hours at the popular shopping complex. "It just looked like there was a war inside the mall," Mr. Biviji said.
That al-Shabaab fighters moved so quickly and deeply into Westgate mall, carrying grenades and belt-fed machine guns, speaks to apparent intelligence failures, security breaches and a brave but confused initial response on the part of soldiers and police.
At least 67 people were killed in the four-day siege that ended Tuesday night. Hundreds were saved in moments of heroism. Now, part of the nation's trauma is untangling how the brutal attack happened in the first place.
It wasn't exactly a surprise.
A year before the assault, a Kenyan government intelligence report warned of a potential attack at Westgate, according to a copy reviewed by The Wall Street Journal. The briefing, dated Sept. 21, 2012, said Somali militants from the group al-Shabaab were planning to target the part-Israeli-owned mall. It didn't provide evidence to back that claim.
"The following suspected al-Shabaab operatives are in Nairobi and are planning to mount suicide attacks on undisclosed date, targeting Westgate mall," the brief stated.
Another intelligence briefing from February warned of attacks like those that struck Mumbai in late 2008, "where the operatives storm into a building with guns and grenades and probably hold hostages."
Presidential spokesman Manoah Esipisu declined to speak about the Kenyan intelligence report, and declined to say whether officials adjusted security precautions based on the briefings.
In the Mumbai attacks, Pakistani militants attacked luxury hotels, a train station and a Jewish center, killing more than 160 people. The assault on Nairobi's Westgate mall by al-Shabaab militants was similar in style, but the assailants' nationalities seemed more diverse, officials and witnesses said.
One orthodontist trapped inside his clinic said he saw two tall and skinny men in their early 20s, who, he said, looked like they were from Somalia. Others said they saw men who had lighter skin and spoke Arabic. Some heard English; several witnesses said they saw a pale-looking woman who shouted "Allah!" as she shot people.
Interior Cabinet Secretary Joseph Ole Lenku said a ninth suspect was arrested on Sunday, but he refused to answer questions about the identities or nationalities of any of the alleged attackers. "It is premature to release these details now," he said.
Some of the survivors said the attackers asked people to identify themselves if they were Muslim, and let those people go. They also heard militants blaming Kenyans for shedding blood as peacekeeper troops in Somalia, hinting at the attackers' motivation.
As the siege unfolded, the militant group praised its fighters inside the mall and promised more attacks. "The mesmeric performance by the #Westgate Warriors was undoubtedly gripping, but despair not folks, that was just the premiere of Act 1," according to a message on the group's official Twitter account.
Two days after the siege ended, on Thursday, Interpol issued an international arrest notice for Samantha Lewthwaite, a British woman who is the widow of one of four London suicide bombers who killed 56 people in 2005. The Kenyan government is investigating the 29-year-old Ms. Lewthwaite in relation to the Nairobi shopping-mall attacks; she is also wanted in relation to explosives-related charges connected to a 2011 terror plot.
In the month leading up to the Westgate attack, signals appeared to have been missed in the mall itself.
Kenyan authorities said after the attack they discovered an explosives-laden vehicle that was parked in the basement parking lot for more than a month before the Sept. 21 attack, according to a Western security officer. The officials believe that was part of an effort to stockpile ammunition, the officer said.
Even before the siege was over, the Kenyan government asked owners of cars parked at the mall to come with their registrations to pick them up—an apparent effort to counter any further explosives risks in the parking lot.
One member of an elite police unit who responded to the attack, and who worked previously at the Westgate, suspected a shop had been rented before the attack so militants could move firepower through a freight entrance. Officials haven't responded to questions about that possibility.
Tony Sahni, who oversaw private security guards at Westgate for the security company Securex, confirmed that goods going through the tenants' freight elevator aren't checked by security, although he argued that doing so would be too time-consuming a task, especially for the mall's big Wal-Mart-like store, called Nakumatt.
"Are you going to check everything that goes into that store?" he asked.
The mall—a gathering place for Nairobi's elite—wasn't unprotected. About 40 unarmed guards were on duty Saturday at various entrances to the mall and patrolling common areas, Mr. Sahni said. About 12:15 p.m., Mr. Sahni said, three cars drove up to Westgate and at least three people got out of each vehicle and ran toward different entrances.
Security guard Ben Mulwa, at the wheel of his Mercedes sedan, had just pulled into the mall's parking garage when he heard the gunfire roar. Mr. Mulwa, 31, ducked behind a flower bed with another guard. The two looked at each other, he said, realizing they had picked a poor hiding place.
Moments later, four gunmen fired into the flowers. Mr. Mulwa saw the flash of blood fly from his colleague's head, a shot that killed him. Then one of the gunmen turned to him. "What I remember is I saw his face," said Mr. Mulwa. "It was a very cold face."
The first shot grazed his forehead; another ricocheted into his knee. The gunman moved on. Police arrived and Mr. Mulwa limped away.
Those who initially responded were members of the Flying Squad, a paramilitary arm of the police that deals with organized crime, said a police officer from another unit. Flying Squad members were already on the scene when he got to Westgate two hours into the attack, he said. So were off-duty police and members of a civilian neighborhood defense group. Everybody was shooting.
The policeman ran over to a colleague who had arrived before him. "Who are the enemies?" he asked. "Shoot anyone with a hijab," or head scarf, the second policemen said, according to his colleague.
Dharmesh Vaya had just dropped off his wife and children at a cooking competition on the roof. Before his daughter, 16-year-old Midal, had a chance to compete, the 44-year-old banker was sorting out a problem with his iPad when his wife Jyotibala called to ask him get the kids something to eat. A few minutes after Mr. Vaya entered the supermarket with his two children and a nephew, they heard shooting.
"Ta-ta-ta—I thought it was a bank robbery," Mr. Vaya said.
A bank robbery it wasn't. The shooters never even entered the second-floor bank where Mr. Biviji was hiding in the vault with others.
Mr. Biviji and the others were rescued by Kenyan soldiers and members of a community response team at about 5:30 p.m. and walked out of the bank, past the day's carnage. As gunfire intensified, the military moved in to the mall and the Kenyan police withdrew.
The policeman with the elite police squad took four civilians hiding with him down the escalator and out the front entrance. But he said their retreat cost them ground against the militants. Once it got dark, the Kenyan soldiers also withdrew.
Militants began to roam the mall freely, hunting for those still alive. Peter Ouma, a 25-year-old construction worker, survived until morning hiding under the stairs. "They were knocking on the doors, and saying 'Police, open!' And then if you opened the door, they killed you," he said.
Sunday and Monday mornings brought more gunfire and blasts, despite government assurances the situation had been brought under control. On Tuesday afternoon, the Kenyan government said that part of three floors had collapsed. Kenyan soldiers at the scene said the collapse resulted from firing rocket-propelled grenades in a part of the building that soldiers said militants had rigged with explosives.
In an address to the nation later that night, Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta said the militants had been defeated. But victory came at a cost.
Mr. Vaya, the banker, survived gunfire in the supermarket with his children, but his wife had been killed at the Nakumatt entrance when she came to look for her family. On Sunday, he returned to the mall to collect his black Toyota Land Cruiser. Security guards escorted him out through the devastated mall.
The Indian-born banker, wearing flip-flops and a short-sleeved plaid shirt, was reluctant to describe what he saw inside. "This is a beautiful country. I would not want to leave this place," he said. "It's so sad."
--Nicholas Bariyo and Idil Abshir in Nairobi, Drew Hinshaw in Accra, Ghana, and Devon Maylie in Johannesburg contributed to this article.

Militants Kill Dozens At College In Nigeria

USA Today
September 30, 2013
Pg. 2

 

Islamic extremists blamed in massacre

By Associated Press
POTISKUM, Nigeria -- Suspected Islamic extremists attacked an agricultural college early Sunday, gunning down dozens of students as they slept in dorms and torching classrooms, the school's provost said. It's the latest violence in northeastern Nigeria's ongoing Islamic uprising.
Provost Molima Idi Mato of Yobe State College of Agriculture in Gujba said there were no security forces protecting the campus. Two weeks ago, the state commissioner for education had begged schools and colleges to reopen after a deadly July 6 attack on a Mamudo school and had promised protection, he said.
Idi Mato said as many as 50 students may have died in the assault that began at about 1 a.m. Sunday. "They attacked our students while they were sleeping. … They opened fire at them," he said. Most of the victims were ages 18 to 22.
Soldiers recovered 42 bodies and transported 18 wounded students to a hospital, said a military official who requested anonymity because he was not authorized to speak to the press.
Two of the wounded later died, said Adamu Usman, a survivor who was helping at the hospital.
President Goodluck Jonathan condemned the attack, which he blamed on the Boko Haram extremist group, in a TV appearance Sunday night.
Jonathan likened the assault to that on a Nairobi shopping mall last week, where Islamic extremists from Somalia's al-Shabab movement killed 67 civilians. Boko Haram has said some of its fighters trained with al-Shabab in Somalia.
Boko Haram leader Abubakar Shekau has said in video addresses that his group wants to end democracy in Nigeria and allow education only in Islamic schools. Boko Haram means "Western education is forbidden."
Its uprising poses the biggest security challenge in years to this country.
Nigeria is Africa's biggest oil producer and its most populous nation with more than 160 million people -- almost equal numbers of which are Muslims and Christians.
Boko Haram militants have killed more than 1,700 people since 2010.
Gov. Ibrahim Gaidam of Yobe state, where the killings occurred, questioned the effectiveness of the military crackdown.
The gunmen rode into the college in two double-cabin pickup all-terrain vehicles and on motorcycles, some dressed in Nigerian military uniforms, a surviving student, Ibrahim Mohammed, told the AP. He said they appeared to know the layout of the college, attacking the four male hostels but avoiding the one hostel reserved for women.

Translating Military Training Into College Credits

USAToday.com
September 27, 2013

 

By Adrienne Lu, Pew/Stateline Staff Writer
Many states want college students who served in Iraq and Afghanistan to get academic credit for their military training and experience. The challenge is figuring out how many credits that training and experience is worth.
At least 26 states have passed legislation directing their boards of education to develop statewide policies to provide academic credit to the largest influx of veterans since the end of World War II, according to the National Conference of State Legislatures. The Education Commission of the States, a Denver-based nonprofit organization, says 19 states have enacted related legislation in the last two years alone.
"There's a lot of interest in a lot of different circles [in helping] veterans," said Cathy Sandeen of the American Council on Education (ACE), which represents the presidents of U.S. colleges and universities.
More than 2,300 schools rely on ACE to review various types of military training and experience and recommend how to translate them into academic credits. But as is the case with AP exams or transfers from another school, each school makes the final decision on how much credit, if any, to award.
"The problem is it's just a recommendation, and schools can choose whether or not to accept it," said Michael Dakduk, who heads the Student Veterans of America, a coalition of student veterans groups on college campuses. Dakduk served as a Marine in both Iraq and Afghanistan.
A difficult transition
Veterans on college campuses face obstacles their fellow students do not. Many are coping with physical or mental injuries that make studying a struggle. Others flounder without the structure and camaraderie of the military, or have trouble relating to 18-year-olds more interested in partying than schoolwork. Some veterans have to balance their academic responsibilities with families, jobs, or additional deployments.
Some colleges have tried to ease veterans into campus life by hiring counselors trained in the military culture, or by creating centers where veterans can share stories or hold study groups. A 2011 report by the American Council on Education lauded the effectiveness of those services.
Such steps have become increasingly vital since the 2008 passage of the Post-9/11 G.I. Bill, which provides education aid to the 2 million service members who have served in Iraq and Afghanistan. Under the law, veterans get up to 36 months of education benefits, payable for 15 years following their release from active duty. In addition to tuition aid, benefits include a monthly living allowance and a book stipend of $1,000 per year.
Since the law took effect in 2009, close to 1 million service members have received more than $25 billion in aid, which can be used to attend any public or private school.
"The one word speech I usually give is graduate, graduate, graduate," Veterans Affairs Secretary Eric K. Shinseki told a gathering of student veterans earlier this year. "If I sound like your dad, I am. I'm paying most of your bills."
What is military service worth?
As veterans have flooded the nation's campuses, efforts to translate military training and experience into academic credit have taken on new urgency. But the challenges for colleges and universities are considerable. Schools often struggle to determine exactly what was covered in a military training course, or whether the instructor would pass academic muster. Sometimes military training doesn't correspond to any course a school offers.
Some decisions are easy: A former medic probably received training relevant to a nursing degree, and a student pursuing a degree in mechanical engineering probably deserves credit if she served in the military as an aircraft technician. But what if she worked as a public relations officer?
Clackamas Community College in Oregon has tried to tackle the problem by creating 21 "bridge" courses to fill in the gaps that may have been left by military instruction. Veterans can combine the courses with their military experience to earn credits in areas as varied as law enforcement, business administration and English.
Seven states in the Midwest — Illinois, Indiana, Ohio, Kentucky, Michigan, Minnesota and Missouri — have formed the Multi-State Collaborative on Military Credit to study the issue and share best practices.
Ken Sauer of the Indiana Commission for Higher Education said the collaborative is trying to figure out what kinds of student data that institutions and states should collect to track veterans' academic success. Meanwhile, some schools in the participating states are plowing ahead.
In Illinois, community colleges have designed a new course for basic medical corpsmen to become licensed practical nurses. And in Indiana, veterans who served in the military police or in military prisons can receive credit toward an associate's degree in criminal justice at Ivy Tech Community College.
Minnesota has created a web site to help veterans determine the credits they might qualify for in state colleges and universities, based on their branch of service, occupation, training dates and rank. For example, a combat engineer in the Army at the rank of E6 might be eligible for credits in business administration, finance management, management and marketing at North Hennepin Community College.
"These examples benefit all parties," Sauer recently told a congressional committee. "They save money for both the veteran and the taxpayer, they help ease the transition from military to civilian life—which can be especially difficult for veterans who have seen combat—and they also contribute toward a better educated workforce."
Dakduk argues that colleges and universities that manage to find ways to award academic credit to veterans will end up reaping the benefits.
"By providing academic credit for military experience schools can attract more veterans to their campus which ultimately adds diversity to, and enriches, the student community," he said.
Stateline is a nonpartisan, nonprofit news service of the Pew Charitable Trusts that provides daily reporting and analysis on trends in state policy.